Tuesday, February 27, 2007

John Adams to Samuel Cooper;

...We are making the best Provision we can, for the Defence of America. I believe We shall make Provision for 70,000 Men in the three Departments the Northern, including Canada, the middle, and the southern. The Die is cast. We must all be soldiers and fight pro Aris et Focis*. I hope there is not a Gentleman in the Massachusetts Bay, not even in the Town of Boston, who thinks himself too good to take his Firelock and his Spade....

- May 30, 1776, [Letters of Delegates to Congress: Volume 4.]


Monday, February 26, 2007

Rufus King to Daniel Kilham,

My dear Friend

New York

5th March 1786.

What reason has prevented your writing to me? I am not conscious of having forefeited your good esteem, and am utterly at a loss why you neglect me. I will write to you with the same familiarity that I formerly have done. Our domestic affairs are greatly embarrassed, the subject of Revenue is intricate even in the simplest forms of Government; but complex as our federal Government is, all questions of Revenue are complicated in the highest degree. A late act of congress stating some of their money engagements,(1) and their means of complying with them, is a plain statement, and refers to the determination of the states a question infinitely important to the existence of the confederacy. The doctrine of expedients has brought us thus far; but expedients serve only to postpone, and not to remove, the evils which for a time they alleviate; they are therefore improper and impolitic in a republic, where the people determine on all governmental Acts, and consequently ought not only to know, but also to feel, every evil which surrounds them. A false delicacy has sometimes governed the public acts of Congress; an apprehension has been formerly entertained that foreigners would not sufficiently honor & esteem us, if they knew our real situation. This has been a mistaken policy. America was respectable in Arms, she was admired. But peace, so far from advancing her fame, has diminished her former Reputation; and there are few nations whose public credit is at so low an Ebb as our's---;the only method of repossessing what we have lost, is by giving true information to the people, and submitting to their Judgement the promotion & establishment of their own Glory and Honor. But probably you will say that you care little about these Reveries, and inform me that you have long since been tired of them. You have not given me such information heretofore---; I will not however commit myself farther. I am authorised to affirm that I am with the purest esteem & Regard, Your sincere & obliged Friend, Rufus King

RC (NNC: King Collection).1. See Charles Thomson to the States, February 15, note 1


Friday, February 23, 2007

President Andrew Johnson, December 3, 1867 message to U.S. House and Senate:

“...I am aware it is assumed that this system of government for the southern States is not to be perpetual. It is true this military government is to be only provisional, but it is through this temporary evil that a greater evil is to be made perpetual. If the guarantees of the Constitution can be broken provisionally to serve a temporary purpose, and in a part only of the country, we can destroy them everywhere and for all time. Arbitrary measures often change, but they generally change for the worse. It is the curse of despotism that it has no halting place. The intermitted exercise of its power brings no sense of security to its subjects, for they can never know what more they will be called to endure when its red right hand is armed to plague them again. Nor is it possible to conjecture how or where power, unrestrained by law, may seek its next victims. The States that are still free may be enslaved at any moment; for if the Constitution does not protect all, it protects none...."

"...This, to the minds of some persons, is so important that a violation of the Constitution is justified as a means of bringing it about. The morality is always false which excuses a wrong because it proposes to accomplish a desirable end. We are not permitted to do evil that good may come. But in this case the cud itself is evil, as well as the means...."

"...A faithful and conscientious magistrate will concede very much to honest error, and something even to perverse malice, before be will endanger the public peace; and he will not adopt forcible measures, or such as might lead to force, as long as those which are peaceable remain open to him or to his constituents It is true that cases may occur in which the Executive would be compelled to stand on its rights, and maintain them, regardless of all consequences. If Congress should pass an act which is not only in palpable conflict with the Constitution, but will certainly, if carried out, produce immediate and irreparable injury to the organic structure of the government, and if there be neither judicial remedy for the wrongs it inflicts, nor power in the people to protect themselves without the official aid of their elected defender; if, for instance, the legislative department should pass an act even through all the forms of law to abolish a co-ordinate department of the government--in such a case the President must take the high responsibilities of his office, and save the life of the nation at all hazards. The so-called reconstruction acts, though as plainly unconstitutional as any that can be imagined, were not believed to be within the class last mentioned. The people were not wholly disarmed of the power of self-defence...."


Wednesday, February 21, 2007

The Debates (Virginia) June 25, 1788:


...The amendments contained in this paper are those we wish; but we shall agree to any others which will not destroy the spirit of the Constitution, or that will better secure liberty....

...I have no dread that they will immediately infringe the dearest rights of the people, but that the operation of the government will be oppressive in process of time. Shall we not pursue the dictates of common sense, and the example of all free and wise nations, and insist on amendments with manly fortitude? ...

...What are the great objections now made? Are they local? What are the amendments brought forth by my friends? Do they not contemplate the great interests of the people, and of the Union at large? ...

... States are but an aggregate of individuals...

...Because we have granted power. Because the amendments you propose will diminish their power...

...We only wish to do away ambiguities, and establish our rights on clear and explicit terms. If this be done, we shall all be like one man--we shall unite and be happy...

...The people are not to be disarmed of their weapons. They are left in full possession of them...

Full article here.

Monday, February 19, 2007

Well, would you look at that!

This in from "A Keyboard and a .45":

Sheriff Mattis said,
"I am reacting in response to the actions of federal employees who have attempted to deprive citizens of my county of their privacy, their liberty, and their property without regard to constitutional safeguards. I hope that more sheriffs all across America will join us in protecting their citizens from the illegal activities of the IRS, EPA, BATF, FBI, or any other federal agency that is operating outside the confines of constitutional law. Employees of the IRS and the EPA are no longer welcome in Bighorn County unless they intend to operate in conformance to constitutional law."

WOW! We desperately need more people like the good Sheriff, (hat tip), in office! The good Sheriff can be reached here.

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Monday, February 12, 2007

Well, these two sure answer a LOT of questions....

Journals of the Continental Congress, "those who refuse to take up arms in defence", June, 25, 1778

Journals of the Continental Congress, Amendment of Confederation; "...all persons who refuse to bear Arms in defence...", June 27, 1778


"In the act of independence we find the following declaration: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, among which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness:" of this doctrine it is not a very remote consequence, that all the inhabitants of every society, be the colour of their complexion what it may, are bound to promote the interest thereof, according to their respective abilities. They ought therefore to be brought into the account on this occasion. But, admitting necessity or expediency to justify the refusal of liberty in certain circumstances to persons of a particular colour, we think it unequal to reckon nothing upon such in this case. Should it be improper, for special local reasons, to admit them in arms for the defence of the nation, yet we conceive the proportion of forces to be embodied ought to be fixed according to the whole number of inhabitants in the State, from whatever class they may be raised...."

You usurpers can pound sand. You are working at defeating the very reason for which our Union was formed. That directly makes you TRAITORS to the American cause.


Sunday, February 11, 2007

A message from the President....

...He is determined to make Examples which will deter the boldest and most harden'd offenders. Men who are called out by their Country to defend the Rights and Property of their fellow Citizens, who are abandoned enough to violate those Rights and plunder that Property deserve and shall receive no Mercy.

- George Washington, October 23, 1778, General Orders. [The Writings of George Washington from the Original Manuscript Sources, 1745-1799. John C. Fitzpatrick, Editor.]


Thursday, February 08, 2007

Think that Mr. Henry just might have put it best:

"Mr. Henry for it. Says that a preparation for Warr is Necessary to obtain peace--That America is not Now in a State of peace--That all the Bulwarks, of Our Safety, of Our Constitn. are thrown down, That We are Now in a State of Nature--That We ought to ask Ourselves the Question should the planns of Nonim [portatio] n & Nonexp [oratio] n fail of success--in that Case Arms are Necessary, & if then, it is Necessary Now. Arms are a Resource to which We shall be forced, a Resource afforded Us by God & Nature, & why in the Name of both are We to hesitate providing them Now whilst in Our power."

- Silas Deane's Diary, [Oct. 3, 1774]. [Letters of Delegates to Congress: Volume 1 AUGUST 1774 - AUGUST 1775]


Thomas Jefferson, Feb 2, 1800 letter to Thomas Mann Randolph, Jr.:

"We have great need for the ensuing twelve months to be left to ourselves. The enemies of our constitution are preparing a fearful operation, and the dissensions in this state are too likely to bring things to the situation they wish, when our Buonaparte, surrounded by his comrades in arms, may step in to give us political salvation in his way. It behoves our citizens to be on their guard, to be firm in their principles, and full of confidence in themselves. We are able to preserve our self-government if we will but think so."

[The Works of Thomas Jefferson in Twelve Volumes. Federal Edition. Collected and Edited by Paul Leicester Ford.]


Tuesday, February 06, 2007

George Washington: Concerning Arms in the hands of the People....

Here is just a sample of the qotes found;

"...I cannot, by all the enquiries I have been able to make, learn, what number of arms have been taken from the Tories, where they lay, or how they are to be got at.

"The Committee of Safety for this Colony have assured me that no exertions of theirs shall be wanting to procure Arms; but our sufferings in the meanwhile may prove fatal, as Men without are in a manner useless.

"I have therefore thought of Imploying an Agent, whose sole business it shall be, to ride through the middle and interior parts of these Governments for the purpose of buying up such Arms as the Inhabitants may Incline to sell, and are fit for use."

(More quotes from Washington here).

Sunday, February 04, 2007

What do you suppose President James K. Polk meant by this:

...While the people of other countries, who live under forms of government less free than our own, have been for ages oppressed by taxation, to support large standing armies in periods of peace, our experience has shown that such establishments are unnecessary in a republic. Our standing army is to be found in the bosom of society. It is composed of free citizens, who are ever ready to take up arms in the service of their country when an emergency requires it. Our experience in the war just closed fully confirms the opinion that such an army may be raised upon a few week's notice, and that Our citizen soldiers are equal to any troops in the world. No reason, therefore, is perceived why we should enlarge our land forces and thereby subject the treasury to an annual increased charge. Sound policy requires that we should avoid the creation of a large standing army in a period of peace. No public exigency requires it. Such armies are not only expensive and unnecessary, but may become dangerous to liberty....

- Journal of the Senate of the United States of America, THURSDAY, July 6, 1848.

Friday, February 02, 2007

House of Representatives, June 16, 1789:

...If their ideas should succeed, a principle of mortality will be infused into a government which the lovers of mankind have wished might last to the end of the world. With a mixture of the executive and legislative powers in one body, no government can long remain uncorrupt. With a corrupt executive, liberty may long retain a trembling existence. With a corrupt legislature, it is impossible: the vitals of the Constitution would be mortified, and death must follow in every step. A government thus formed would be the most formidable curse that could befall this country. Perhaps an enlightened people might timely foresee and correct the error; but if a season was allowed for such a compound to grow and produce its natural fruit, it would either banish liberty, or the people would he driven to exercise their unalienable right, the right of uncivilized nature, and destroy a monster whose voracious and capacious jaws could crush and swallow up themselves and their posterity....

- Fisher Ames, The Debates in the Several State Conventions on the Adoption of the Federal Constitution [Elliot's Debates, Volume 4]