Tuesday, April 14, 2009

And THIS [pdf] from Homeland [In]Security:

(U//FOUO) Rightwing Extremism: Current Economic and Political Climate Fueling Resurgence in Radicalization and Recruitment

Get ready, cause here it comes....

Monday, April 13, 2009

Alarm & Muster

Welcome to the official site of the Alarm & Muster. Here you will find an elected official database, a members-only forum, and more. Here, you're among friends.

The Alarm & Muster project has always been concerned with the creation of a network of communication of like minded men and women nationwide that would refuse the infringement of their freedoms. It is our unalienable right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness and we will allow no man, no one, to infringe upon these. We are the children of 1775, if not by blood, then by spirit; and we extend our hand of welcome....

Monday, March 23, 2009

"...intended to be an expression of the American mind..."

"...That George Mason was the author of the [Virginia] bill of rights, and the constitution founded on it, the evidence of the day established fully in my mind. Of the paper you mention, purporting to be instructions to the Virginia delegation in Congress, I have no recollection. If it were anything more than a project of some private hand, that is to say, had any such instructions been ever given by the convention, they would appear in the journals, which we possess entire. But with respect to our rights, and the acts of the British government contravening those rights, there was but one opinion on this side of the water. All American whigs thought alike on these subjects. When forced, therefore, to resort to arms for redress, an appeal to the tribunal of the world was deemed proper for our justification. This was the object of the Declaration of Independence. Not to find out new principles, or new arguments, never before thought of, not merely to say things which had never been said before; but to place before mankind the common sense of the subject, in terms so plain and firm as to command their assent, and to justify ourselves in the independent stand we are compelled to take. Neither aiming at originality of principle or sentiment, nor yet copied from any particular and previous writing, it was intended to be an expression of the American mind, and to give to that expression the proper tone and spirit called for by the occasion. All its authority rests then on the harmonizing sentiments of the day, whether expressed in conversation, in letters, printed essays, or in the elementary books of public right, as Aristotle, Cicero, Locke, Sidney, &c. The historical documents which you mention as in your possession, ought all to be found, and I am persuaded you will find, to be corroborative of the facts and principles advanced in that Declaration...."

- Thomas Jefferson, May 8, 1825 letter to Henry Lee.


Tuesday, December 02, 2008

"No people can long remain loyal unless they have the means of defending themselves against their oppressors."

- William B. Carter, August 01, 1861 letter to Abraham Lincoln. [Abraham Lincoln Papers at the Library of Congress. Transcribed and Annotated by the Lincoln Studies Center, Knox College. Galesburg, Illinois.]


Saturday, July 26, 2008

Opinions of Governor Shelby and Colonel A. Bowman, [1825]



From the Reporter.

We lay before our readers with great pleasure the following correspondence between Col. Bowman and Governor Shelby, two old soldiers of the revolution, on the reorganizing act and other measures of the Legislature. They both think that the constitution has been violated. The opinions of such men are surely worth something, and ought to have some influence with those of less experience, who have hastily adopted the false doctrines of the young politicians of the present day. We rejoice that these patriots of the revolution still live to serve their country.

From Col. Bowman to Gov. Shelby.

Fayette county, June 14th, 1825.

Dear Col.--Although age and infirmity almost disable me from writing, yet I cannot forbear addressing a few lines to you on the interesting occasion which caused my last visit to our county town. Yes, La Fayette has been with us. I met and accompanied our beloved friend to Lexington, where he was received with every demonstration of joy. The feelings of a great multitude appeared highly excited, yet all seemed to be actuated by one sentiment, which was, to render honor to the brave and patriotic La Fayette, a hero of our revolution. You who know so well how to appreciate the services of this venerated soldier, can imagine what my feelings were, on again meeting and taking him by the hand. I cannot describe them--I enjoyed with him a day and night of mental pleasure, the next day he left us perhaps forever.

After returning to my peaceful home, I was led back to contemplate the scenes of our youth--our revolution, the causes that produced it, and above all, its happy termination. We fought for, and gained that which is set forth in the Declaration of Independence, and for the permanent security of those blessings, we formed constitutional governments, which are governments of written laws, attested by the virtue of the nation, and the whole transactions sealed with the most precious blood of our country.

You, my dear Colonel, have largely participated in the administration of our state government, of course are better acquainted with its details than myself; however, I cannot refrain from expressing my great surprise at the doctrines of some of our young politicians. They appear strange to me perhaps from their novelty. There are also some laws passed by the legislature, that appear to me partial in their effects, and if so, are unjust. I cannot see how a government like ours, that is bottomed on right and justice, can, in pursuance of those principles, bestow favours on some at the direct expense of others, and those too from whom they take, have as much right to solicit and receive favour, as those selected as the proper objects of the country's bounty. In fine, the governments are not authorized to take from one to give to another. I may be wrong, but this seems to me to be the practical operation of some of our late laws.

Although I have not long to remain the subject of any human laws, yet my dear friend, I cannot but feel much solicitude on the subject of my country's good. The great mass of society, whose prosperity and happiness depend mainly on the honest administration of all the departments of the government, must, like me, feel much solicitude at this time. It appears that men of reputed talents differ on the subject of the late act of assembly, that puts down one Court of Appeals, and at the same time erects another.

I have read our constitution over and over--I have rigidly taxed my memory, and from the best of my recollection, from the time of the formation of American Constitutions and termination of the Revolutionary War, I never heard till now such opinions on the subject of the Judiciary as I have lately read in some of our newspapers. I do consider the power exerted by the legislature, in the erection of a new Court of Appeals, an unwarrantable usurpation, and that it is fraught with the utmost danger, and if persisted in, must eventuate in the destructirn of constitutional liberty. I hope you will favour me with your opinion on these subjects. I gave my feeble aid to Gen. Washington, the father of our country, in the wars that secured its independence, and am willing to adopt the sentiments given in his Farewell Address as my political creed: "It is important that the habits of thinking in a free country should inspire caution in those entrusted with its administration, to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding, in the exercise of the powers of one department to encroach upon another; the spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create a despotism. A just estimate of that love of power and proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into different depositories, and constituting each the guardian of the public weal, has been evinced by the experiments, ancient and modern, some of them in our country, and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to establish them. If in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way which the constitution designates--but let there be no change by usurpation; for though this in one instance may be the instrument of good, it is the customary means by which free governments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil, any partial or transient benefit, which the use can at any time yield."

I hope the eve of your life may be as tranquil as it has been long and useful to our common country.


Gov. Shelby's Answer.

Traveller's Rest, 20th June, 1825.

My Dear Sir.--Your favour of the 14th inst. has been received, in which you mention the visit of Gen. La Fayette to Lexington, and the great pleasure you derived from once more meeting with him. There is a sympathy existing between old men who had braved danger together in early life, that none others feel. I would certainly have paid my respects to him at some point on his tour through our State, but my advanced age and infirm condition made it impracticable.

In taking a review of our country up to the present time, you express great surprize at the novelty of the doctrines of some of our "Young Politicians," (as you please to style them,) and of that particularly which places the Court of Appeals, an equal and co-ordinate department, under the thumb of the Legislature--and you hope that I will favour you with my opinions on these subjects.

The policy pursued for several years past, in establishing the Commonwealth Bank and the Relief system generally, is proved by its enervating effects upon our country, independently of its unconstitutionality, to be the child of folly and inexperience. It has always appeared to me, sir, that Kentucky stood less in need of relief than any other portion of the Union--individual industry, perseverance and economy, were all that were necessary to extricate us from our difficulties, and to make us one of the most independent communities on the face of the globe. But the interference of the Legislature has paralyzed the exertions of the people, and effected an entire destruction of all confidence between man and man. Although this system was sanctioned by the will of the majority of the Legislature, that did not justify it--the constitution must be but a shadow if it be made to yield to the will of each impassioned majority; and those essential principles of a free government, equality, liberty of conscience, the freedom of the press, the trial by jury, the inviolability of contracts, etc. etc. for which we fought and bled, must cease to be our pride and boast.

The constitution is express as to the course to be pursued, and the majority required to remove a judge; and I have never entertained a doubt, but that the act of the last Legislature, creating a new Court of Appeals, was unconstitutional. The constitution prescribes the landmarks or boundaries of Legislative power, and it is a fundamental principle, that controled by it the will of the majority properly ascertained is the law of the land. But to attempt to enforce a legislative enactment contrary to the constitution, is treason against the State.

Obliged as I am to employ an emanuensis (from a paralysis of my right arm) I have given you, sir, but my naked opinions without entering into a detailed argument in support of them. I have been long endeavouring to withdraw myself from all cares and considerations of a public nature, circumscribed as I am by the limits of my farm, which alone yields me any satisfaction.

With much respect,
I remain, your friend,


YOU have before you the opinions of Governor Shelby and Col. Bowman. Compare them with those of the Young Stump Orators who are endeavoring to inculcate their visionary notions and wild theories of government. Contrast the plain common sense doctrines of Shelby and Bowman with the artful sophistry of the New Court Candidates, and you will feel indignant at the bare-faced attempts of these candidates to mislead you. Of Governor Shelby it is unnecessary to speak. You all know his worth--you all appreciate his talents, his patriotism and disinterested services. Col. Bowman like Col. Shelby, is one of the heroes of the Revolution; he was the friend and companion of La Fayette; the citizens of Fayette county, for thirty years have known his merit as a neighbour and the steadiness of his principles as a Democratic Republican.

The lessons of experience and the results of a long life of virtuous and successful exertion, should be heeded. The opinions of age covered with honours, and sanctified by vast services and uninterrupted confidence, should be almost oracular.

My countrymen, let me implore you to pause for one moment and listen to these men of other times. Standing on the confines of eternity, and surveying the great scenes in which they have acted, and the great results which they have aided in achieving--the battles they have fought--the sufferings they have endured--the triumphs they have won--the freedom and happiness they have helped to establish--they behold the reward of their labours torn from their children--and warn you that you stand on the brink of a precipice, ready to make havoc of all that you should cherish and revere.

Who can resist the solemnity of this appeal? Who can withstand this awful invocation? These men have no private ends to accomplish--no unhallowed ambition to gratify--no faction to support--no offices to secure--no rivals to traduce and ruin--no rancorous passions to indulge. They stand disconnected as it were with time and earth, recalled to it by the impending desolation of their cherished country.

Listen to their admonitions, retrace their lives, contemplate their characters and services, and then ask yourselves, is it these men, and such as these, who are branded by the organs of a desperate faction, as the enemies of liberty and republicanism? as federalists--aristocrats--royalists--oppressors of the poor--advocates of Judicial corruption and supremacy? Is it these men, and such as these, on whom every epithet of contempt is heaped--and by whom? Look around you on the exclusive patriots of Relief and Whiggism, and then contrast them with the men they labour to degrade, and answer who are the most worthy to be believed and trusted?

Fellow-Citizens, the crisis is one of danger and terror. All is not well, when the voice of enlightened experience warns you to beware! Listen to that voice and save yourselves the remorse of deliberate individual and national degredation.


Monday, June 30, 2008

The REAL ORIGINAL INTENT behind the Second Amendment:

The Shay's Insurrection, "These the Legislature could not infringe, without bringing upon themselves the detestation of mankind, and the frowns of Heaven", Jan. 12, 1787

Commonwealth of Massachusetts, "and shall obtain an order for the re-delivery of such arms", Feb. 16, 1787

Journals of the Continental Congress, "...impolitic and not to be reconciled with the genius of free Govts...", Feb. 19. 1787

Letters of Delegates to Congress, "...An Act to disarm and Disfranchise for three years...", Feb. 27th, 1787

Letters of Delegates to Congress, "...this act has created more universal disgust than any other of Government...", March 6, 1787

Journals of the Continental Congress, "That a large body of armed insurgents, did make their appearance...", March 13, 1787

James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, "a great proportion of the offenders chuse rather to risk the consequences of their treason, than submit to the conditions annexed to the amnesty", March 19, 1787

A Proclamation, "and of being again renewed to the arms of their country, and once more enjoying the rights of free citizens of the Commonwealth", June 15, 1787

The Debates in the Federal Convention, "...let the citizens of Massachusetts be disarmed. . . . It would be regarded as a system of despotism.", Aug. 23, 1787

James Madison to Thomas Jefferson, "A constitutional negative on the laws of the States seems equally necessary to secure individuals agst. encroachments on their rights", Oct. 24, 1787

"The people cannot be all, & always, well informed. The part which is wrong will be discontented in proportion to the importance of the facts they misconceive. If they remain quiet under such misconceptions it is a lethargy, the forerunner of death to the public liberty. We have had 13. states independent 11. years. There has been one rebellion. That comes to one rebellion in a century & a half for each state. What country before ever existed a century & half without a rebellion? & what country can preserve it's liberties if their rulers are not warned from time to time that their people preserve the spirit of resistance? Let them take arms. The remedy is to set them right as to facts, pardon & pacify them. What signify a few lives lost in a century or two? The tree of liberty must be refreshed from time to time with the blood of patriots & tyrants. It is it's natural manure. Our Convention has been too much impressed by the insurrection of Massachusetts: and in the spur of the moment they are setting up a kite to keep the hen-yard in order. I hope in God this article will be rectified before the new constitution is accepted."

- Thomas Jefferson, Nov. 13, 1787 letter to William S. Smith.

That's RIGHT people, it was intended to SECURE the God-given, Natural, Inherent and Inalienable Right of those that HAD transgressed the law. ALL 'gun control laws' are REPUGNANT to the U.S. Constitution.


Sunday, June 08, 2008

James Watson Webb to Abraham Lincoln

Abraham Lincoln Papers at the Library of Congress. Transcribed and Annotated by the Lincoln Studies Center, Knox College. Galesburg, Illinois.

James Watson Webb to Abraham Lincoln, Wednesday, February 06, 1861 (Political affairs and threat to Washington).

[Webb, James Watson (1802-1884): American journalist and diplomat; owner/editor or Morning Courier and New York Enquirer, New York City (1829-61); U.S. minister to Brazil (61-69).]


February 6. 1861

My Dear Sir,

By this time, you have doubtless, become accustomed to being troubled about a thousand matters, which, if not official, still indirectly, appertain to the Presidency. Among these is the being bored to sit for your Portrait. We are all pleased that you intend to take New York in your way to Washington; and of course, you must expect to be bored with applications to sit for your Photograph. Brady is the best known to fame; but beyond all question, within a year, Messrs. " Lockwood and Rantoul," will be admitted to be without any equals on either side of the Atlantic; & simply because they are the most scientific & best artists, and young & full of enterprise. Already they have the largest business in this City; and in time, must have the best reputation. In their behalf, and because I want to see you Photographed in the best manner, I venture to request that when here, you will give them half an hour at such time as will best suit your convenience.

When Mrs Lincoln was first announced to be at the Astor, Mrs Webb accompanied me to town, to pay her respects to her, taking with us, a large basket of Flowers from our Green House; but we could not find her at the Astor, Metropolitan, or any other Hotel.-- When subsequently, Mrs Lincoln was at the Metropolitan, I was confined to my House, & Mrs. Webb, could not get to town, which is 30 miles distant. Will you make our apologies to her.

My nephew, Col. Morell,1 who graduated No. 1. at West Point, and is now the Engineer of our first Division, has reported to Genl. Scott,2 full details of this Division, the probable time it would require to get to Washington &. &. He called yesterday, and showed me a private letter from a member of Genl. Scott's staff, communicating the intelligence, that Mr. Buchanan peremptorily refuses to call for the aid Genl. Scott requires, and that the Genl. anticipates the loss of the Capital if the border slave states secede! And such will be the case unless they are greater fools than I give them credit for being. If they have worked up a Southern Confederacy, they ought to know that they can only succeed by bold measures. Being in strength in Washington, they can attack it with five times the force, and carry it; and then having the capital & archives, they become the Government de facto; and of course, evry foreign Representative must & will acknowledge them as such. True, we can & would recapture Washington & make all right; but the prestige would be with them. Now, I have never for a moment, felt that Disunion is possible -- & have no such fears. But from the beginning, I have felt that Washington is in danger, and that its loss would disgrace & dishonor the Country. I know that if I was a secessionist, I could & would get possession of the capitol; & I am in the habit of judging others by myself. Surely they cannot fail to discern all the advantages of getting possession of Washington; and it is equally certain that if absolutely resolved upon seperation, they will not be so weak as to shrink from striking the first blow. And if this be so, why will they not like reasonable men, knowing precisely our strength, take the necessary steps to insure success? So I have argued from the beginning; and so argues Genl. Scott, as I judge from the confidential letter from his Private Secretary.

What is to be done? Buchanan blocks all official actions in behalf against the Traitors; & what is done must be accomplished through concert on the part of your friends & the Wide-Awakes. I yesterday, sent for several of our active young men, and suggested to them the state of affairs; and that the only mode which occurred to me of counteracting the contemplated movement, is to arrange to have at least five thousand persons in Washington, a week previous to the inauguration, ready in case of necessity, to offer their services to Genl. Scott, to be organized by him -- he having plenty of arms in the U. S. Arsenal.

If a movement be made on the Capital, it will be known there some two or three days in advance of its taking place, but not time enough to get troops to its relief. If therefore, our friends be in force as spectators of the coming inauguration, they can be organized in time to meet the crisis. It is the right of all our people to be at Washington on the 4" March; & it is usual on such occasions; and bearing in mind that "an ounce of prevention is worth a pound of cure," I would have you place this letter in the hands of a confidential friend, and I would have him tell our friends in evry place where you stop, that it is desirable to have as many of our reliable friends at Washington a week in advance of the fourth of March as can be collected there -- not for assaults upon or to irritate the South, but for defense if necessary, and with the means of defense on their persons. There can be nothing wrong in being prepared to protect the property & to defend the Institutions of the Country.

I have only to repeat, that Genl. Scotts private secretary, in acknowledging the official report of Col. Morell, says distinctly, that the Genl. expects to see the capital fall, & that Buchanan peremptorily refuses to furnish the means to protect & defend it. Most assuredly, it can and will be taken from us if they desire it; & they would indeed be fools were they not to seize it, [bent?] as they are [on?] Rebellion.

Yours very Truly

J. Watson Webb.

[Note 1 ID: George W. Morell was a West Point graduate who commanded a division in Fitz John Porter's corps during the Civil War. Morell rose to the rank of major general but his loyalty to Porter after the fiasco at Second Bull Run effectively ended his career as a field commander and he resigned from the army in 1864.]

[Note 2 Winfield Scott]